Men's parties in gender equal havens : The gender-representation gap in the Nordic populist radical right parties
Lillkung, Anna (2021)
Lillkung, Anna
2021
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Julkaisun pysyvä osoite on
https://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi-fe2021111255046
https://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi-fe2021111255046
Tiivistelmä
Several studies confirm that there is a gender gap, i.e., an unequal proportion of men and women, within different populist radical right (PRR) parties, both in the parties’ electorate and among the parties’ members. The first aim of this thesis is to provide a research overview on gender and the populist radical right and identify research gaps. The second aim is to contribute to the identified least studied area within this field, i.e., to examine the gender-representation gap in the PRR parties in the Nordic countries that are often considered global frontrunners regarding gender equality.
This empirical study answers three main research questions. The first question is whether the PRR parties are Männerparteien (“men’s parties”), with respect to their gender-representation gaps. The second question is whether the gender-representation gap in PRR parties is larger compared to in non-PRR parties and in mainstream conservative parties. The third question examines the contagion thesis and asks whether PRR parties, over time, strategically adapt their level of female representation to the level of other mainstream parties.
The empirical study was conducted by calculating the gender-representation gap, based on the percentage of women, among the Nordic PRR and non-PRR parties’ party council members, party leaders, and listed candidates and elected representatives in national and local elections. The contagion thesis was investigated by identifying changes in the PRR parties’ gender gaps over time.
The results demonstrated that a gender-representation gap exists in the Nordic PRR parties, with the male to female ratio often being around 70:30. The Norwegian, Finnish, and Swedish PRR parties had notably larger gender-representation gaps compared to the non-PRR parties, even when compared to the mainstream conservative parties. The Danish PRR party’s gender gaps were, in contrast, only marginally larger than the Danish non-PRR parties’. The gender-representation gap was on average considerably larger in Danish parties than in the other Nordic countries’ parties. Lastly, the gender-representation gap generally did not change over time and decreased significantly only among the Sweden Democrats.
The overall conclusion was that the Nordic PRR parties can be considered Männerparteien, as their gender-representation gaps were considerably larger than in the non-PRR parties. This overrepresentation of men was also consistent over time.
This empirical study answers three main research questions. The first question is whether the PRR parties are Männerparteien (“men’s parties”), with respect to their gender-representation gaps. The second question is whether the gender-representation gap in PRR parties is larger compared to in non-PRR parties and in mainstream conservative parties. The third question examines the contagion thesis and asks whether PRR parties, over time, strategically adapt their level of female representation to the level of other mainstream parties.
The empirical study was conducted by calculating the gender-representation gap, based on the percentage of women, among the Nordic PRR and non-PRR parties’ party council members, party leaders, and listed candidates and elected representatives in national and local elections. The contagion thesis was investigated by identifying changes in the PRR parties’ gender gaps over time.
The results demonstrated that a gender-representation gap exists in the Nordic PRR parties, with the male to female ratio often being around 70:30. The Norwegian, Finnish, and Swedish PRR parties had notably larger gender-representation gaps compared to the non-PRR parties, even when compared to the mainstream conservative parties. The Danish PRR party’s gender gaps were, in contrast, only marginally larger than the Danish non-PRR parties’. The gender-representation gap was on average considerably larger in Danish parties than in the other Nordic countries’ parties. Lastly, the gender-representation gap generally did not change over time and decreased significantly only among the Sweden Democrats.
The overall conclusion was that the Nordic PRR parties can be considered Männerparteien, as their gender-representation gaps were considerably larger than in the non-PRR parties. This overrepresentation of men was also consistent over time.